“The United Nations (UN) was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell.” Dag Hammarskjöld, former UN Secretary-General 1953.
As we move further into the 21st century, the world must ask: Can the UN continue to claim legitimacy when its most populous continent, with a surging young demographic line and one of the fastest growing economies, but on the other hand, a place among many on Earth, that are most affected by conflict and instability, continue to be denied a permanent seat at the table?
In my view, the second UN secretary general and one of the most indispensable diplomats of 20th century Sweden had shown the world a remarkable intellect and an extraordinary vision, which today is undeniably right.
The Security Council should be reformed to save humanity effectively. While the geopolitical balance is evolving and shifting at this moment in history, global governance architecture is bound to a post-World War Two paradigm.
On Sunday morning, September 14th 2023, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield proposed that Africa be granted two permanent seats on the UN Security Council.
This landmark proposal was delivered during her speech at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York during the 78th United Nations General Assembly.
In addition to advocating for Africa’s representation, the U.S. suggested a rotating seat for small island developing states.
However, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield explicitly stated that these new permanent members would not be granted veto power, a privilege held by the current five permanent members (the U.S., China, Russia, France, and the UK).
She acknowledged that none of the existing veto-wielding nations, including the U.S., are willing to relinquish their veto powers. This position underscores the entrenched power dynamics that have governed the Security Council since its inception.
But how far is that realistic? In order to find a way forward, there needs to be a clear-eyed understanding of the geopolitical character of our time, an in-depth understanding of the past, why the UN was established, why the Security Council is for, and why the permanent members do what they do.
Today, building and maintaining global peace and a global world order that is typically governed by the Yalta system, particularly a bipolar order before the collapse of the Soviet Union and a hegemonic unipolar order, is something no single major country, no matter how powerful, can manage to attempt.
Only two countries have managed to pull off the feat at this point in history: the United States and the former British Empire of Great Britain.
Today, a careful analytical reflection on the cause of geopolitics and international affairs suggests that a third is on the rise: the People’s Republic of China. Thinking that the rise of China would make China an aggressor is founded on the premise that China’s rise signals aggression.
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However, evidence suggests that the Chinese economy has been a blessing to the global economy, particularly the South. Like China, if an African country, particularly Tanzania, gets an opportunity and the possibility of a permanent seat at the Security Council but has no veto vote, it reflects entrenched global anxieties.
It is most likely paranoia—a paranoia fed by unrealistic anxieties. No African country has yet to wield power in terms of naval expansion in the seas, advanced engineering and technological advances, and stable and competitive market forces like those of the existing primacy of the security council members.
However, small countries will require good governance and adherence to human rights and international norms to join this powerful club.
In essence, the Security Council still runs on a system which provides a two-thirds majority when it comes to electing another member, which, so far, the permanent members have the leverage for blackballing new troublemakers if at all a new member yields trouble.
Tanzania in the Security Council: A Probable Journey or an Impossible Campaign?
The UN Charter governs the election of a member state to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Article 18 of the Charter specifies that each member of the General Assembly shall have one vote.
Decisions on significant questions, including the election of non-permanent Security Council members, require a two-thirds majority of members present and voting. A simple majority decides less critical matters.
To secure a Tanzanian permanent seat at the Security Council, it is imperative to strategize effectively. This campaign must align with our geopolitical realities and adopt the following approaches:
Getting the Right Diplomats
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs must reform its diplomatic approach in order for Tanzania to achieve a permanent seat on the Security Council.
Our diplomatic corps must adapt to a rapidly evolving global landscape, distinct from the nationalist and Cold War eras faced by icons such as the late Ambassador Augustine Mahiga and retired senior diplomat and internationalist Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim.
These seasoned diplomats operated in a world shaped by ideological battles and proxy wars, navigating an international order that relied heavily on nationalistic resilience and ideological clarity.
Today, however, we are in a multipolar world characterized by challenges such as climate change, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, and the lingering effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.
In this context, the question arises: How do we groom the right diplomats? Is it through linguistic fluency in English, French, or Chinese? Is it by prioritizing advanced degrees in international relations?
Or is it by adhering to a status quo of mediocrity captured in the Swahili term “tuko vizuri” (we are good)? While this statement is a political sense of poetically joking, it shouldn’t be the normalcy and the order of our international affairs engagements.
The answer lies in adopting a rigorous approach to selecting and nurturing talent. Talents must be well vetted and properly trained to meet the call for contemporary needs of our domestic policy with the evolving global system and international affairs.
The Ministry must abandon the narrow focus on paper credentials or familial ties. Instead, we need diplomats who are adaptable, intellectually agile, and deeply committed to advancing Tanzania’s interests on the global stage.
Reorganizing Tanzanian Society to Fit the 4R Doctrine.
Diplomacy cannot operate in isolation from societal realities. Tanzania must embrace the “4R Doctrine “reform, resilience, reconciliation and rebuilding.
Under the provisions of Article 109 of the United Nations Charter, we must seek to reform, rebuild, and reconcile with the existing system but be resilient enough to call for a new proposal that reflects the current state of the world and calls for improving the charter.
Modern Tanzanians are better informed, technologically adept, and globally connected through the internet and scholarly opinion. This heightened awareness imposes greater accountability on our diplomats and institutions.
Social media and technology have transformed the information landscape. Tanzanians now have instant access to global events, placing unprecedented pressure on the Foreign Ministry to respond effectively. To sustain a global presence, we must address three critical crises:
- Crisis of Character: Diplomats must exhibit integrity, selflessness, and the ability to prioritize national interests over personal gain. They must understand the dynamics of diplomacy, as not everything appears as it seems.
They must take their obligations seriously. First, they must understand that peace in the East African region is divinely and indispensably dependent on the Tanzanian voice and diplomatic power, as it is in SADC and the African Union.
Our national character must be reformed, we should be justified to create an impeccable rebuilding strategy where part of our obligations in international peacemaking, peacebuilding and peacekeeping missions will pull a strong and viable noble character for Tanzania.
- Crisis of Confidence: Tanzania must craft a unified African narrative and demonstrate leadership in this multipolar world.
- Crisis of Knowledge: Our diplomats must possess a nuanced understanding of history, geopolitics, and the complex dynamics of the international order.
Candidacy for a Security Council Seat.
Africa’s persistent conflicts, such as those in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, demand a strong voice at the Security Council.
Further, climate change and the call for renewable energy need a permanent seat at the Security Council. This position will also advocate for proposals for an intentionally educated Africa to meet the dynamics of the modern era.
With its history of peacekeeping and commitment to non-alignment, Tanzania is uniquely positioned to fulfil this role.
We must leverage our historical contributions, from supporting liberation movements to hosting peacekeeping missions, as a foundation for our candidacy. Tanzania’s legacy includes providing Nelson Mandela with a passport under the alias “David Motsamayi” and championing the fight against apartheid.
Strategy: Keep Your Friends Close.
Tanzania must mobilize support from regional allies such as South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, and Mozambique. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) can play a pivotal role in championing our bid.
We must also cultivate a deepened strategic relationship with key global powers. Special envoys should be dispatched to Beijing, Riyadh, Washington, Moscow, and New Delhi to communicate our aspirations.
China, a traditional ally and veto power, is particularly crucial. Similarly, historic ties with Russia, dating back to Tanzania’s resistance against Idi Amin, must be rekindled.
A No Regrets Policy.
Tanzania’s campaign must be principled, rejecting compromises that undermine our moral or strategic values. We will not exchange resources or dignity for votes.
If Tanzania’s campaign falters, let it be for standing on the right side of history rather than compromising for expediency.
Tactics for Success:
First, we should develop a professional communications package highlighting Tanzania’s contributions and aspirations.
Secondly, host events at Tanzanian residences in New York and Washington, using cultural and economic diplomacy to elevate our profile.
Further, deploy a network of special envoys to amplify our message across UN offices and key capitals.
The Role of the President:
The success of this campaign hinges on the president’s unwavering support. As Tanzania’s chief of State, the President remains the primus inter pares of our diplomacy.
The President must be briefed comprehensively on strategies, timelines, and personnel. Ministerial lobbying and outreach efforts must align with her vision and leadership.
Tanzania’s quest for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council is not just a national ambition but a reflection of Africa’s demand for equity in global governance. Our campaign must project authenticity, uphold our values, and prioritize the interests of the African continent.
Policy recommendation: Tanzania’s place on the table at the Security Council is Africa’s key position in the Security Council.
The great power veto will not be challenged, but the new practice should be of a more inclusive pact, where Africa is also inclusive with a permanent member added to the list, and Tanzania meets that call.
In my opinion, I recommend the monopoly in command of the United Nations Security Council power should be replaced by a new command structure that is more palatable to the other 188 members of the international community, including us, the Africans.
As we step onto the global stage, let us remember that diplomacy is not just about negotiation; it is about conviction, strategy, and purpose.
Tanzania’s voice belongs at the table not as an observer but as a decision-maker shaping the future of international peace and security.
