Economic growth and development have been the focus of all third-world countries after attaining what most call “flag independence.”
This is after they commenced to initiate numerous programmes, strategies, approaches, and initiatives that will finally enhance their economies to skyrocket from the impoverishment left by colonial masters.
Since the focus was on economic growth and development, Social development and political advancement received no attention in the policy papers and national agenda.
This is because economic growth is believed to deliver Social and political progress. Most scholars of third-world countries believe that economic development gradually improves political and social situations and finally consolidates democracy, contrary to Western scholars who suppose political, social, and economic advancement go hand in hand.
Paying close attention to ujamaa socialism in Tanzania, Harambee socialism in Kenya, and Ubuntu of South Africa, among many other forms of socialism adopted by African governments, there is something to learn.
Mixing the pre-colonial traditional way of life with Karl Max’s socialism contextualises and internalises elements that have been so long forgotten.
ALSO READ When Economic Diplomacy leads to Moral Apathy: Tanzania’s betrayal of the Global South
This practice deteriorated democratic steps that were established and led to the long-lasting impact of coup d’etat that the African continent will have to endure for many decades to come.
According to J.K. Nyerere of the United Republic of Tanzania (URT), these forms of socialism in Africa had one clear objective: “maendeleo ya watu” (development of people).
The targets were hunger, ignorance, and poverty, and approaches such as education for self-reliance and establishing Ujamaa Village were regarded as ideal for fostering the continent’s development. Almost every state in Africa applies similar strategies to the ujamaa of Tanzania.
Failure of African socialism to deliver anticipated natural calamities, Western interference, the end of the Cold War, the oil crisis, political instabilities, lack of commitment, and foreign aid, among other factors.
Questioning the authenticity of the ‘maendeleo ya watu’ ideology, supported by legal and institutional frameworks, reduces people’s involvement in designing, reforming, and making important decisions about their country.
Political institutions claimed to bring ‘maendeleo ya watu’ over six decades ago and monopolised power and resources so they could not be challenged.
It cannot accept criticism of how it regulates and operates its functions, but it profits from people’s subjectiveness, ignorance, and negligence in participating in political life.
Eventually, Socialism was a big failed project in Africa, and a new draft was designed by Western countries to finance the development of African economies under Liberal ideology.
This ideology did not have roots in Africa, and all attempts to contextualise and internalise laid by colonial masters no longer appear to be practical or acceptable to ruling elites.
It was like adopting a species that does not belong to the land. Therefore, it was either Liberal ideology that adopted African elements or it failed, just like its predecessor, socialism.
Over time, Liberal ideology accepted African ways of governance, such as elections, but not free and fair elections in the Republic of Uganda, the Republic of Rwanda, and Tanzania.
In Tanzania, competition was neutralised either by implanting ruling party cadres in opposition parties, purchasing top opposition party elites, or through electoral violations.
It showed that citizens had no power even during elections; their votes meant nothing since the boards entrusted to protect them were supervised by corrupt officials and human rights groups.
If one does not stretch against authorities, human rights by mercy of authority, and no one must demand unless a person in the diaspora, such as Mange Kimambi (a Tanzanian diaspora in the USA), speaks out.
When ruling party cadres speak against top elites like former speaker of the National Assembly Job Yustino Ndugai and Kisesa Member of Parliament Luhaga Mpina, we see some challenges.
READ Civil Unrest and Political Reform: Can East Africa Reverse Its Democratic Decline?
Again, the Liberal programme appears to fail to deliver its intended objectives in Africa. However, it has painted all dark spots in politics blue and promised economic development if the blue paint turns to be real or changes to white.
Unfortunately, African governments are not ready to see that happening without chaos or death to some of their people, considering civil wars in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the abduction and assassination of human rights activists and oppositional party members.
We have witnessed how social injustice and corruption are conducted and how governments fail to provide reasonable answers or to be accountable in a country like Tanzania.
The only achievement that Liberal ideology has done is to fund kleptocratic government once more and complement the gaps that China and Russia could not fill.
Developmental theory or ideology rises at a critical time to entertain, console, and justify tyranny in the name of “Hapa kazi tu.”
This actually assisted a kleptocratic government in accumulating resources and power by formulating institutions and legal frameworks that undermine Inclusiveness in politics and economics.
Social services were used as a shield of African Soviet ruling political parties (ASRPP) to manipulate voters and international financial agencies and development partners or donor countries.
Schools and hospitals were unproportionally built without facilities to enhance effectiveness and efficiency; however, blame was directed to workers in those schools and hospitals who failed to apply their technical skills in poor working conditions.
Low wages caused prices of other services like water and electricity to skyrocket to the extent that most citizens could not afford them. Developmental theory was a failure celebrated by academicians and politicians in some African countries since it engraved all democratic practices.
This was done by defining them as neocolonial and stating that restoring precolonial administrative and political elements would guarantee relevant economic development and growth under developmental theory.
Politics accepted the ideology as valid; however, citizens and some awakened military personnel denied it. For instance, in West Africa, the Coup d’etat was salvation to them, while in East Africa, citizens started uprising against the governments.
This was done, though most of the attempts by citizens and military personnel to reform the system failed. The failure was not in vain since it alerted authorities to take appropriate measures to end citizens’ suffering, restore some democratic practices, and reform some oppressive bills.
For instance, we had the 2005 Arusha peace accords, which ended civil brutality, and Decentralisation reform under the National Decentralisation Strategy of 2009 in the Republic of Burundi.
Others were the Building Recovery and Reform through Democratic Governance (BRDG-DRC) from 2008 to 2010 and the Makau Taskforce of 2003, which focused on the “Establishment of a Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission” and was chaired by Professor Makau Mutua.
The Makali Taskforce of 2019 on Improvement of Government Information and Public Communication, Tanzania Electoral Bill 2024, and Presidency Taskforce, led by Professor Rwekaza Mukandala, was aimed at restoring democracy in 2022 and reforming the criminal and justice system, led by former chief justice Muhammed Chande Othman in 2023.
While developed countries are busy creating avenues for citizen participation, social cohesion, and sustainability, developing countries are busy finding ways to assist them in acquiring aid and exploiting resources from their poor citizens to fund their electoral violations and investigations abroad.
It is not time for Africa to change, and maybe there is no such time in the universe calendar since the continent’s youths have been divided and weakened.
They have no resources, knowledge, or voice, and they are not committed to or willing to sacrifice themselves for the common good, just like the Kenyan 2024 anti-finance bill demonstration.
It showed lack of shared understanding and goal among protestors, same as 2024 demonstration against the abduction and assassination of kids, activists and members of Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), which manifested fear, selfishness, and institutional support of injustice backed by a political unwillingness to consolidate democracy.
Ideological panaceas have proved irrelevant and ineffective in treating the undeveloped aspects of African politics and the underdevelopment of its economy, as well as the theoretical prescriptions and predictions that developed within Africa.
Other parts of third-world countries have received less attention since they have no funds to support their application, unlike socialism, which is funded by the USSR, Liberalism, which is funded by Western countries, and developmental theory, which is mostly funded by China.
The only point that the African continent is missing is a lack of commitment to allowing internal factors to be the principal incentives of development.
African scholars have turned out to be spectators of foreign descriptions that come with funds. Therefore, the scholarly debate among academics in Africa is limited to mainstream theories developed in Europe or America, theories that are only accepted as a precondition for receiving unlimited funds.
